"Women’s Bodies Are Not Battlefields"

Author: Phone Ye Naung

Since the 2021 military coup, the Spring Revolution period has seen numerous instances of sexual assault, including rape, committed by the military. These atrocities are now occurring not only in border regions but also in central parts of Myanmar. Similarly, within the revolutionary movement, there have been cases committed by "rogue elements" who have deviated from the revolutionary code of conduct.

In areas dominated by weaponry, historical data from global conflicts suggests that the reported figures usually only represent a small fraction of actual cases. Therefore, the number of incidents committed during the current conflict is likely much higher than what we currently know.

Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) causes profound mental and physical trauma to victims—including women and members of the LGBT community. Furthermore, due to traditional social norms and customs, these impacts extend to their family members as well.

In Asian culture, where a woman’s "honor and dignity" are often psychologically intertwined, not only the victims but also their families must face this stress for a lifetime. This does not just affect a single individual or family; such instances of injustice can destroy the moral foundations (Loka Pala) of society. It shatters social justice, communal harmony, and mutual trust.

The 2021 military coup caused a regression of Myanmar’s fragile democratic culture, triggering nationwide protests and armed resistance. Consequently, cases of CRSV have surged during this revolutionary period, with military-committed atrocities rising exponentially. The military uses sexual violence as a weapon to spread fear among revolutionary forces, shame their families and communities, and establish their authoritarian dominance.

According to Human Rights Watch’s 2024 World Report, sexual violence and gender-based discrimination committed by both the military and some revolutionary elements have increased since the coup. The 2024 report from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) also highlights widespread rape and other forms of sexual violence committed by junta forces in conflict zones, checkpoints, and detention centers. Amnesty International has further documented torture and sexual violence within prisons and interrogation centers.

According to these records, such abuses are not exclusive to State Armed Forces; some members of the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and other non-state armed groups have also been implicated in sexual abuse. The existence of lawless zones where it is difficult to enforce legal accountability makes it harder to protect women and effectively grants perpetrators the opportunity to commit crimes.

Regardless, revolutionary forces must strive to prevent the military council from continuing sexual violence against the people, especially women and LGBT individuals. In situations where prevention is not yet possible, it is essential to provide help and awareness—implementing measures so women can avoid or escape such dangers.

Ultimately, even if an incident occurs, it is crucial to document and record the perpetrators to ensure justice for the victims. Every crime must result in appropriate punishment or legal consequences for the perpetrator. Only then can our society flourish with a foundation of justice and the moral principles of Hiri (shame of sin) and Ottappa (fear of sin).

If we fail to systematically prevent these grievances or handle them correctly, the revolutionary groups themselves run the risk of mimicking the military’s tactic of "sexual exploitation of women." If that happens, we are merely replacing a "military dictator" with a "revolutionary dictator," which would destroy the legitimacy, values, and future goals of the revolution.

In conclusion, using women’s bodies as battlefields is an act of unjust violence and a supreme crime that destroys social trust and customs. If those who hold weapons view the law as a mere toy rather than respecting it, it causes grave harm to both Myanmar society and the revolution. Ignoring these critical violations puts Myanmar at risk of becoming a failed society devoid of human values.

Therefore, it is everyone’s responsibility to protect and secure women caught between armed conflict, legal vacuums, and patriarchal customs. It is an absolute necessity to demand and secure justice for those whose voices have been silenced under the muzzles of guns amidst war and conflict.

[Note: This article is selected, edited, and presented as a segment intended to strengthen the revolution and allow the public to analyze diverse perspectives. The views expressed in the article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of People’s Goal. Readers are encouraged to write comments and discuss.]